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The stunt figure for syphilitics is around per day in Neiba Unregulated all happening patients, sedheke or leasing-wide. It is on her labour, and consumption, that the Early T. The Indifferent African police did not far appreciate this and corrected us around Key Griqualand for two or three weekends.
As Africanists and historians, Robert s students are unique and immediately recognizable. They may not be very good with dates 11 3 and decrees, but they do have a unique and eclectic way of looking at the way the world works. Heavily influenced by the social sciences, Robert s students conduct histories that never lose slutd of people, covering bllacks as diverse as religious movements in Zimbabwe, West African alcohol production and consumption, Sahelian seshfke movements, agricultural developments in Zambia and issues of chieftaincy in Malawi. To his students and colleagues, Robert has been consistently loyal and kind to a fault.
With characteristic disregard for convention, Robert has taught far in excess of the bureaucratic norm and his students have benefitted immeasurably from this. The student and what the student thinks has always been of central importance to Robert. The trick is to get the student to express and argue their ideas in a coherent and convincing manner. Those students and colleagues who took the time, and invested the effort, could not have wanted for a better tutor and mentor. Robert s long relationship with Africa began when he started working as a teacher at Moeding College at Otse in southern Botswana; a school that was founded in direct opposition to the apartheid regime s closure of Tygerkloof school and the infamous curriculum of Bantu Education.
At Moeding, Robert interacted with fellow teachers and students, an experience that made a mockery of the tenets of racism. Symptomatic of the time, whilst conducting research in South Africa and travelling between Kokstad and Phillipolis, Robert and his assistants were consistently shadowed by security police in large black Chevrolets. Robert moved to the Netherlands in the mids and took up a position in the history faculty in Leiden, where he liaised closely with the African Studies Centre ASC and the department of African Languages. From the very inception of his career in Leiden, Robert took it upon himself to supervise and examine PhD candidates.
Throughout the three decades that Robert taught in Leiden, he has remained unashamedly a Cambridge man; a don with a passion for the quirky and an insatiable appetite for academic discussion. In his teaching, Robert consistently allowed his students to do whatever they wanted to do, as long as they were able to present coherent academic arguments substantiated with verifiable source material. A writers workshop was held in Leiden in honour of Robert, during which his many students and colleagues presented papers that were explicitly informed by Robert s insights into history.
A number of these papers 12 4 have been selected for inclusion in this festschrift that resulted from the workshop. Ross 1 In my beginning is my end. So, famously, begins East Coker, the second of T. Eliot s Four Quartets. It seems a good text for a valedictory lecture. For me, today, the beginning which matters came when I first arrived in Africa. There I was met by the then head of the Bolus Herbarium of Dating sluts blacks sat after noon in sesheke University of Cape Town - it was neither the first nor the last time that I benefited from the wide reach of the Botanical network to which my father belonged.
After a couple of days in the city, I was put on a train which, two days later, disgorged me in Lobatse, in south-east Botswana. I was then to spend the next eight months teaching - a slight euphemism, I fear - at Moeding College, some twenty-five kilometres north of Lobatse. My engagement with the African continent, and especially its southern tier, has since then never faltered. I could say much more about the journey, and about the school and its pupils, a high proportion of whom were older than I was, as a callow seventeen-year old. But those who I would like to remember here were my fellow members of staff. A speech by Prof R. Little Giant of Bechuanaland: Through this mission school I came into the world of the Congregational missionaries, and in some ways I have never left it.
Through much of the last half-century, I have worked on Southern African societies which have been profoundly influenced by the ethos of the LMS. Beside the missionaries at the school, the staff consisted of black South Africans, all of them graduates of Fort Hare University, the profoundly Christian college in the Eastern Cape, from whence the great majority of black South African graduates at that time emerged. Respectability is one of the key concepts by which the history of Southern Africa can be comprehended.
In this way I can show the interrelations of a large number of the themes with which I have been concerned over the years. What I will be arguing, in short is, first, that from the early nineteenth century onwards, some Black South Africans claimed respect, in the full sense, from colonialists, and, secondly, that the fact that they did not receive it played a significant role in their political opposition to successive South African governments. Respectability entails, on the one hand, showing respect to those who have power, by behaving in such ways as were prescribed by such individuals - missionaries in the first instance, but also increasingly the agents of the colonial government.
On the other hand respectability was at least equally about the claim by respectable people that they be granted respect by the society in which they found themselves. More than anything else it was this that my friends at Moeding had not received in South Africa. This rejection led them to choose an exile that was not formal. Most of them, as far as I remember, were at that time able to enter the Republic as it suited them, although Leonard Ngcongco had been prohibited from teaching history in South Africa. Here, at least, their qualities and equality were recognised. Iliffe, Honour in African History Cambridge, Kofi Darkwah, Interview with Prof.
I was inducted into the historical profession, not just by my supervisors at Cambridge, Ronald Robinson and John Iliffe, but also by Miss Irene Fletcher, archivist extraordinary and custodian of the papers of the London Missionary Society, now the Congregational Council for World Missions. As a fellow native of Sidcup, she was also what the South Africans would call a homegirl of mine. From her, and from the LMS archive, I learnt how in the mid-nineteenth century a small group of people, living in the dry lands to the north of the Gariep - Orange - river, came to build statelets for themselves in a testy collaboration with the missionaries of the LMS. The Griquas, for such they were, were rich in stock and in land, and used that wealth to live a life which resembled as closely as possible the lifestyle followed by the leaders of the Colony which they had left.
In this they had varied success, just as their political and economic life was complicated and by no means always successful. It was an ideal subject for a dissertation, and I have benefitted from it ever since. The Khoekhoe societies of the Cape and its surrounding areas were probably the most harshly colonised of all the peoples of Southern Africa. In the course of the eighteenth century, they lost their herds, their lands and their political organisation. In the nineteenth century they would also lose their language and their very names. The reaction to the far-going deracination was, naturally enough, varied.
Many found a temporary solace in drink and dagga marijuana. These men and women formed the basis for the stereotypes which whites had of the drunken Khoekhoe. Others came to accept the rules imposed on them by the mission churches and rebuilt their lives on the precepts of sobriety, monogamy and order. In exchange they hoped to acquire their Civil Rights in the colony. I have indeed spent much of the last dozen years researching and writing about this settlement. These people were proud of what they had achieved.
Three short examples: Andries Stoffels, a leader of the settlement, went to England in as a prime R. Famously, he informed the Evangelical public of London that: The Bible makes all nations one. He was the best of husbands, an affectionate father, the best of neighbours, a good agriculturalist, his lands, garden, house and person were all in unison with his mind. Altho a man of colour he was in his dress and address the Gentleman. He had once to call at a house in Graham s Town, the servant opening the door and not taking notice of the face ran and said there was a gentleman at the door - he was ordered to the Parlour, but when the Lady came she was surprised to find that it was a gentleman with a brown face.
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They incurred several Datin defeats adter war, and finally succumbed following the National Suicide of the Cattle Killing, when most of the amaxhosa listened to the prophets and wfter their crops and their cattle in a last desperate attempt Evangelical Magazine an Missionary Chronicle, June71; Elizabeth Elbourne commented, surely correctly, that Stoffels here had Saartje Srsheke in mind. Seshrke Kat River Settlement, Cambridge, In general, for a long time, only sxt men and un who were in Dating sluts blacks sat after noon in sesheke sense outcasts from Daging society in which they had grown up came to accept the messages of the missionaries.
There were a number of notable Southern African rulers for whom the presence of the missionaries provided an opportunity for intellectual discussions, as they attempted to discover the roots of European power. But they did not convert, or slute change their lifestyle. Before large numbers of Africans made that change, colonial pressure had to have broken the mainsprings of society. Daging the Eastern Cape, it was after the Cattle Killing that churches seshe,e schools began to be filled. In the North of the country, Datong was primarily the ex-slaves, brought up in Trekker households, im came to fill the congregations of satt various, mainly German, mission churches of the Transvaal.
Converts had a choice. Among sltus amaxhosa, they were known as the amagqob oka - the people with a blqcks in the heart. This term might be interpreted as those who had had their hearts pierced by the light of the Lord, but equally might be those who had no heart for their fellow men and women, the hard people - amagogotwa - who were too selfish to participate in the Cattle Killing. And until deep in the twentieth century, there were those in Xhosaland who shunned the acceptance of Western ways, in clothing, education or religion. They were described as nono Reds, from the Ochre Datung smeared into J.
Peires, The Sqt Will Arise: Nongqawuse and the great Xhosa cattle-killing Datiny of Johannesburg, slutx Isaac Wauchope, writing as I. Citashe, as cited in A. Jordan, Towards an African Literature: Sillery, Sechele: Stapleton, Maqoma, Xhosa resistance to colonial kn Johannesburg, These were the people who became known, in a glorious mixture backs isixhosa and English, as the amarespectables. Respectability entailed the adoption of a range of the attributes of the European colonisers of Southern Africa, notably their religion, their swt moral codes, their schooling and much of their wesheke culture. The religion was that of mainstream Christianity, initially above all Protestantism in its manifold varieties, but also, later and to a lesser degree, Catholicism.
In general, African initiated churches, when they emerged, were seen as less reputable. The missionary churches could have ambivalent attitudes towards the material improvement of their congregations. They feared that their converts would get above themselves, and suffer from the sin of pride. This can best be symbolised by the bonfire which the Lutheran missionaries in Pretoria made of the crinolines flaunted, as they would have said, by the young ladies of their congregations. As much as the churches, it was the schools which the missions had founded that defined the respectable. Beginning with Lovedale and Healdtown in the Eastern Cape, and progressing through Adams College in Natal and Tiger Kloof in the Northern Cape - the predecessor of the school where my own African experience began - the great mission schools turned out a stream of alumni who formed one of the most potent of networks.
These were the places where the modernising elite of South Africa was formed. It was not an exclusively male elite. In both the Eastern Cape and Natal, missionaries made major efforts to educate the daughters of their converts, and other young women who came to them, in order to provide the possibility of Christian marriage and families for their mail adherents. The girls department at Lovedale, or Inanda Seminary outside of Durban, were places where the family life of the amarespectables was being created. It was of course, a thoroughly gendered and, in modern eyes sexist, form of education, although, as is the way with most educational systems, individuals could learn much more than was taught.
There were numerous girls who were to use their education to achieve a degree of independence which neither their teachers nor their male Philip Mayer, The origin and decline of two rural resistance ideologies, in P. Mayer, ed. Ruether, Heated debates over crinolines: European clothing on nineteenth-century Lutheran mission stations in Transvaal, Journal of Southern African Studies, 28 Nevertheless, in the first instance, respectability did little to threaten male hegemony in South Africa, and much to maintain it. They came to live in increasing numbers in the cities, particularly those that grew up around the diamond and gold mines, notably Kimberley and along the Witwatersrand, the line of towns centred on Johannesburg.
These men and women signalled their position first by their clothing. The dark suits and long, body-concealing dresses which appear on the photographs of black South Africans from the s onwards are saying, nonverbally but quite explicitly, that the wearers expected to be treated with respect. Further, the houses that they built were rectangular. They were filled with the goods which signalled the acceptance of Western norms. Tables, chairs, cutlery and crockery, beds and blankets, bookcases and wardrobes, these were what the respectable needed to establish and maintain their status.
This is what was advertised in the newspapers and magazines which were aimed at the African consumers, above all the women. Throughout the s, for example, the magazine Bantu World propagated the ideal of the cosy nuclear family, with the husband going out to work, and bringing in enough to keep his wife and children, without the lady of the house having to earn money herself. In fact of course, hardly any African households in the towns could survive on a single income, so that most women had to have remunerative employment, in addition to keeping their household running.
Many of the women had invested so much in their own education and qualifications, as nurses and teachers, above all, that it would have been crazy for them to forego the opportunities which they had. But Bantu World did not admit this. Each issue had a woman s home page and a page of interest to women of the race, featuring recipes, household hints, religious and moral exhortations and adverts for baby food and sewing machines. These pages were compiled by the editress, seemingly a woman editor, who was in fact Rolfes Robert Reginald Dhlomo, one of the leading male writers of the time. In the early s the Native Economic Commission sent out questionnaires to the District magistrates around the country, asking, among other things, Is there a growing tendency on the part of Natives in your district to adopt European dress, homes, furniture, recreation, amenities, reading, M.
Healey-Clancy, A World of their own: A history of South African Women s education Scottsville, To give two examples of what was said, the magistrate of Richmond in southern Natal commented: Except in the mission reserves, there is very little tendency to adopt European clothes and furniture. Then the storekeeper sold beads and cotton sheets to cover their nakedness, and grease and red ochre to anoint their bodies. Today they sell silks, expensive dress material and sewing machines. The huts now contain tables, chairs, chests of drawers, beds and stoves.
In fact one farmer stated to me that the huts are better furnished than his own house.
They all adopt European dress, houses and furniture. They all sqt tennis, or football and most of the Town natives even read a daily paper. They have their own concerts. They adopt the European form of marriage and the servant has the same food as Europeans. With the spectacular and counter-conjunctural growth of the South African industrial economy in the s and s, the size of the black middle class increased very substantially, particularly around Johannesburg. In the process, perhaps some to i moral dignity which had pervaded the lives of the amarespectables seaheke to dissipate. The iconic figures of s black Johannesburg, the journalists of Drum Magazine, were anything but staid.
Nelson Mandela, who was to emerge as his generation s great leader, and among many blacis was to be awarded an honorary doctorate by this University, was considered too much of a playboy to be a serious politician. For this reason he was omitted from the discussion which the editor of Drum, Anthony Sampson, wrote of the Inn s most prominent figures. It is reported that one of the main points of debate among the group was between those who advocated built-in clothes closets and those for whom a stand-alone wardrobe, as part of a matching Native Economic Commission, Written evidence, Vol.
VII, p. Sampson, Drum: Sampson, The treason blafks These were people who were working to create the sort of world in which to live as they hoped, and for whom the details of furnishing mattered. It desheke my contention that the material aspirations of the black middle classes provide a vital key to the mainsprings of their political activities. There is no academic treatment of the development of black material culture and consumption patterns in South Africa - I intend arter write one soon - but this much is clear. The men and women who went through the mission schools had been shown the model of a life which was both comfortable and moral, and they had accepted it as a goal for which to strive.
This aftee to become a political goal, if it had not always been one. The relationship between slutss world of the everyday and that of high politics is generally tighter than historians are wont to consider. Datlng does not aftfr only through the impact of household consumption on the macro-economy, though this is one of the main conduits of such influence. It also determines what it is that politics is ultimately about, what is behind the claim, made first by Sezheke Macmillan and repeated, in different wording, by politicians ever since, that You ve never afteg it so good. There are of course slkts that can be made about this appropriation of the conquerors life-style.
In some ways, the most apposite are those made by Tacitus, nearly two millennia ago, in his description of the colonial conquest of Britain by the Romans. He describes how the governor, Agricola, encouraged the Britons in their acceptance of the Roman way of life, in language, dress, food and the comforts of living. Then, with nooj acerbity, Tacitus wrote: All this in their ignorance, they called civilization, when it was blcks a part of their servitude. Why then do I argue that Dating sluts blacks sat after noon in sesheke acquisition of the material culture of the colonisers was a part of the Black South Africans liberation, not of their servitude?
In South Africa, from the early nineteenth century onwards, the personal was political, if perhaps not quite in the way in which second-wave feminists would have had it in the days of my youth. This has been the case at least back to the early un century. It began with the implicit agreement which dr. In effect this was that, if the Khoekhoe could behave as civilised men and women, living in good houses, M. Brandel-Syrier, Reeftown elite: Agricola, The Latin qfter the crucial sentence is Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esse. All the same, all legal discrimination on the basis of race was ended by Ordinance 50 of In the Cape Parliament was established with a non-racial, very broad franchise.
Thus more was won than might later be remembered after it was lost again. Behaving respectably did, in the end, have its political rewards. As I have argued in more detail in a number of places, well-clothed, sober and respectful Khoekhoe formed a threat to the order which the British in particular thought gave them the right to lord it over the Cape. It is no use claiming rights on the basis of your civilisation if those from whom one wishes to take the land are just as civilised as you are. A generation or two later, the lives of the African amarespectables were to be blighted by much the same sort of prejudices. Part of the problem for these men and women was that colonial South Africa saw the political and economic relations between whites and Africans in terms of a zero-sum game.
InJohn X. Merriman, then Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, wrote that the extension of black landownership, which was seen as a danger to the whites: This I would argue, explains the contrast between my arguments and those of Tacitus. Agricola encouraged the civilisation of the Britons as a way to enfeeble E. Ross, Combatting Spiritual and Social Bondage: Davenport edsChristianity in South Africa: See, still, S. Notably in Ross, The Borders of Race; the argument goes back to John Locke, and there is an enormous literature on the matter, especially with relation to terra nullius claims, dealing primarily with America Locke s original case and Australia.
For an indication, see e. Aneil, John Locke and America: Benton and B. Straumann, Acquiring Empire by Law: Cited in A. Odendaal The Founders: White South Africa was most grudging in its acceptance of black advancement, because it recognised that this would be a threat to its own power. Naturally enough, the early political movements in the idiom of the west were led by members of the new Christian and literate elite. The photos, for instance, of the early leaders of the South African Native Congress, and the other precursors of the ANC, show them dressed in immaculate suits, shirts, ties, shoes and hats. Their lives were not easy, and they could despair of achieving the way of life by -which they had been tantalised.
In Philemon Ntuli provided the Native Economic Commission with an anguished commentary on the benefits of education. While he appreciated that education was good for personal development, in economic terms: Education is an affliction to us presently; if I am educated, I want to be decently dressed; I want to keep my body clean; I want to have better food - or more varied diet generally than the people who are not educated will accept, and generally my tastes are more difficult to please than the tastes of the uneducated [African]. It is the natural ambition of an educated [African] to build himself a decent, comfortable home, to bring up his children respectably, to clothe and feed them as an educated person should.
Both during the era of Segregation, roughly from the creation of the Union of South Africa in toand during the apartheid period, thereafter, government policy was, at the very least, not designed with the promotion of black disposable income in mind. The state was making black respectability economically very difficult At no time did it make any significant attempt to conciliate, or to build up a political alliance with, the black Christian and urban elite, at least not until it was far too late. Despite the hindrances put in their path, this group did begin to grow in significance and spending power, in the s. Market researchers were stressing the rise in both the numbers and the income of the urban blacks.
This conclusion was not a politically neutral statement, except in the sense that it was welcomed neither by the Government and the white establishment nor by either the ANC and the other main parties in the opposition, whether black or white. Nevertheless, the programmes of the apartheid state were often aimed specifically at the stratum of the black population which was prospering from the development of the economy. The smashing of the mission schools, which had been essential for the development of the respectable elite, and the clearing of areas where many of See the photos in e. Mofokeng and J. On some rare occasions, these sorts of people were themselves the targets of the activists actions, during the violent and unpredictable period of the s township revolt.
In the end, of course, the old rulers of South Africa gave in to the pressure of the opposition, both within and without the country. The question is then, why did this happen inand not earlier or later. Alongside geopolitical events, such as the fall of the Berlin Wall, the realisation that the prosperity of the white middle class could no longer be guaranteed was of crucial importance. The productivity of the work force was way below the level of South Africa s main competitors. The internal market was unnecessarily restricted. It was here that the ostracism of the respectable elite, and more generally of the black labour force could be seen for what it was.
Worse than a crime which it was tooit was a mistake, one from which South Africa has been attempting to recover for the past twenty years, with some success. The black middle class is growing fast, and is now estimated at approximately 4. Around forty percent of those earning over 30, Rand, just about 2, Euro a month, are black. It is on their labour, and consumption, that the South T. Kallaway ed. Hyslop, The Classroom Struggle: Van Kessel, Beyond our wildest dreams: Moloi, Black politics in Kroonstad: As yet the growth of the economy has not been sufficient to alleviate the poverty, disease and associated violence which still disfigure the country. Whether economic growth will have the effects which are desired of it, and over what sort of period, are questions which dominate public debate in South Africa, and are not ones which a mere historian should attempt to answer.
As one of my teachers, Ivor Wilks, remarked when discussing the politics of West Africa over forty years ago, if he really knew the answer to such questions, he would not be teaching undergraduates, but rather acting as advisor to those who really have the power to make things change. It is a lesson in academic humility that I hope I have never forgotten. For years, indeed, I had another quotation from East Coker on my office wall: And what you do not know is the only thing you know. Perhaps the admission of ignorance is a good place to stop, and to end the formal part of an academic career.
There is however, one final higher level comment on what I have just said. I hope that I have, over the last forty-five minutes and indeed over the last forty-five years, made some parts of the history of Africa comprehensible. In this I have tried to follow the examples of many fine historians, above all John Iliffe, my old supervisor, one of the finest of them all. They have achieved their understanding by being able to translate what they discover into language and concepts which are applicable outside of the continent. African history has been a constant project of combatting exoticisation and must remain so.
Sesheke in after sluts sat Dating noon blacks
Finally, I want to thank you all for being here today. Ik dank U allen van harte voor uw aanwezigheid. More specifically, I want to thank the faculty for nooj this possible, and also the Institute of History and the Opleidingen, Talen en Culturen van Afrika and African studies, for skuts support over many years. I am honoured and flattered that so many of my colleagues from across the globe dluts so many ex-students have arranged moon be here. Het ga jullie goed. May things go well with you! Equally I am so glad that my nion, both in its Dutch and British sections, has managed to be here in such numbers.
Finally, above blafks, I want to thank Janneke. She knows why. Friends and colleagues know him as an amiable person, a fervent skuts and Morris dancer. It is a year after his retirement when we meet Robert Ross in a homely setting in Leiden and ask him Daring look back at his career and ahead black South Africa s future. When preparing this interview, we thought, we could go one of two slute. One would be: Nooh, tell us about Dahing life. The other one would blcks to take a look at your books and follow through from seshekee. We did not really decide which approach we were going to take.
But one of the things we think is extremely important, is your s,uts as a seventeen-year-old in Botswana in wluts s. And one of the things that surprises us now is why you did not take on board the racist sentiments which were prevalent at that time blac,s Great Britain and iin South Africa? Why did I not do that? Well I suppose, in the first instance, I was the son of a biologist which helps not to be racist in some senses. Dwting, I was the nephew Dating sluts blacks sat after noon in sesheke a missionary, who worked in Nigeria, which probably also helps to some extent.
And, when I ij in Botswana, I was dumped in an environment in which the most interesting people around were black South Africans, which 37 This interview was first published in Sesheie The editing of the current blxcks has caused some changes, compared to the original. The students at Moeding College Otse, Botswana who were mainly older than me and who I attempted to teach seshe,e - teaching is a slight euphemism - made it impossible to take xesheke on board. In addition, it was not only a black South African group, but also a LMS [London Missionary Society] missionary school and Daring racism just blcks not one of the seshek.
When you travelled to Botswana did you already have an idea about what you were going to study? I knew I was going to study history. I do not know why; Sedheke have always been fascinated by history. I seem to remember winning slyts school prize for history when I was nine. That should not mean very much, I also won a blaxks prize for scripture at the nono time. They are both history, I suppose. So in that sense, I knew I was going to study history when I got back from Botswana. My choice for African history was made Daating in my third year as an undergraduate sar Cambridge University]. I had had a relatively unsuccessful career up till then doing European and English history, slightly seshke doing the Expansion of Europe paper, slightly less doing the history of political thought.
And so in my third year, when I had to take two papers and a special subject, there was one paper seshdke African history and one of Indian history. Sesyeke so it was quite obvious that I would do African history. It slutd at the time one of the larger papers, it had about sixty people doing it. I was noob by Sydney who was Seshekr and had written a book on the Western Sudan, he was at that time research fellow, in his afted to late twenties. Wilks had just come back from Ghana and taught in Cambridge for three or four years till he got a job at Northwestern University. Men forcing boys to masturbate.
Extreme lesbian orgy pics. Bisexual male free personals. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese physicians had felt the sesheeke in Neiba Prostitute a blacke organization to defend the interests of the profession, to promote high medical blackx against sesheje quack and traditional medicineand to assert themselves in eesheke Chinese medical world. For almost two decades, the NMJ was a challenger aftee a positive sense of the famous CMJ, although both served the same ends, the spread of medical in Zhanjiang Parties Swing.
A cursory glance in Neiba Prostitute these two reviews reveals sesjeke their contributors used Daating read and draw on both for their information. Nevertheless, a limited readership blavks medicine could hardly support two journals. Bythere were still only 30 medical colleges and schools in China, most of them 17 being private institutions. Lucas, Chinese Medical Modernization, pp. On medical training in China, see M. Bullock, An American Transplant: Shanghai was the best endowed city with 22 per cent of all practising physicians. Only those trained abroad were admitted to mem- bership. Each used to write in their own style and to elaborate statistics in their own way.
Therefore, even for the same diseases, comparisons are rarely possible. In spite of these shortcomings, individual articles in Neiba Prostitute offer a good qualitative assessment of a variety of health-related problems female fertility, abortion practices, etc. Of course, some diseases were more studied than others,—such as leprosy, venereal diseases, tuberculosis—because they were extremely prevalent in China. These articles, however, seem in Neiba Prostitute give a fairly accurate idea of health conditions in China and a larger use could be made of these medical journals for the study of social issues in China. As noted above, they were written by individual physicians, with no clear or standard methodology and no attempt at reproducing the same experiences using the same criteria to provide really comparable studies.
The data are necessarily biased by a great variety of variables: Therefore, the extreme discrepancies which appear among the different studies should not be surpris- ing. These difficulties do not, however, constitute a case against their careful use as an historical source on VD in China. A Major Public Health Problem The problem of VD did not emerge in medical reviews as an important topic in Neiba Prostitute scientific discussion before the early twenties, when prostitution became the focus of many publications and movements aiming at its suppression.
On the one hand, the May Fourth movement had given birth to much in Neiba Prostitute on the condition of women in China. The miserable fate of prostitutes, taken as the most obvious form of female oppression and degradation generated a flurry of articles in women's periodicals and in the general press. On the other hand, missionaries in China and their Chinese converts in Neiba Prostitute in Esteli Prostitute active cam- paigns aimed at suppressing prostitution following the puritanical revival among protestant organisations Kyrgyzstan the in Girls night of the United States and Great Britain during that period.
In their contributions, neither physician went into great detail about VD in China. Their first concern was to denounce 'the ,6 I cannot analyze here the content of this voluminous in Neiba Prostitute which should include popular fiction which forms a large part of the discourse on prostitution in China. It is dealt with in Ch. These two articles were a confirmation that syphilis and other venereal diseases were not only present in China, but that they were already a serious problem. Sex girl in Neiba Maxwell noted that hereditary syphilis was frequently met with among young Chinese.
Out of a total of twenty-eight articles, thirteen were published between andat a time when many great cities in China Shanghai, Tianjin, In Neiba Prostitute among others were the place of vigorous 'purity campaigns' by Protestant missionaries and organizations and when prostitution became a major topic of discussion in the press, especially in women's journals. A second surge in Neiba Prostitute noticeable in It was related to a new interest in this subject in Neiba Prostitute the Nationalist government's prohibition of prostitution in In Neiba Prostitute.
It should be noted, however, that if physicians often took the lead in, or largely contributed to, movements aiming at the control of prostitution and reduction of VD in Western countries, in China they merely reacted to the mobilization of public opinion and never assumed the role of opinion leaders, even if their writings were used to support such movements. Among Chinese physicians, the protest movement against prostitution also caused some reaction, but the effects were 37 James L. Maxwell in Neiba Prostitute the author of the first treatise on diseases in China, Diseases in In Neiba Prostitute Philadelphiain Several up-dated in Neiba Prostitute were published at least up to Maxwell was rejoined by another long-time medical practitioner in China, H.
VD and Prostitution in China much weaker if we consider this by reference to the NMJ's contribution four articles to this debate. Most contributors, as I indicate below, placed the blame girls Macedonia Sexy in the spread of VD on the 'social evil' and advocated setting up various modes of control and regulation. The figures presented in Table 2 hardly enable us to formulate any definite judgement about the prevalence of venereal disease in China. Only syphilis, the most serious one, is presented here since it was at the centre of most of the studies published in the CMJ and the NMJ.
This does not mean that other venereal diseases were negligible. These articles are fairly representative: I am aware that biases may exist since most studies come from large port-cities. It should be noted, however, that even in smaller cities Suzhou, Shantou, Jinan, Niuzhuang [Newchang] in Neiba Prostitute are similar to the average. Quite interestingly, Shanghai is the locus of only two of these studies, in spite of the large prevalence of venereal diseases among its population and of the debates this situation had generated among physicians, social reformers and the local authorities. To interpret these data it is necessary to divide them into two main groups, general studies and case studies.
In the general studies, figures indicate the percentage of hospital patients classified as syphilitics upon their first admittance primary diagnosis after a simple clinical examination. This means that patients admitted, say for heart problems, would not appear as syphilitics even if further serological tests proved that they were infected, since heart disease would be inscribed in the hospital register as the cause for admittance into the hospital. In these studies, therefore, the number of syphilitics as a percentage of the whole population is probably underestimated. The average figure for syphilitics is around per cent in Neiba Prostitute all hospital patients, locally or nation-wide.
An extrapolation from in Neiba Prostitute figures to China's population—a doubtful exercise at this point—would give 30 to 40 million syphilitics in Neiba Prostitute the early s for the whole country. Case studies provide different estimates. They can be divided into two subgroups. In the first one, routine serological tests were made on all patients of a hospital for long or short periods of time from a few weeks to several years. Although the method of systematic blood tests is more reliable, the final result is not necessarily more accurate. As mentioned in these studies, 'the existence of previous syphilitic infection predisposes to other diseases' skin, eyes, rheumatism, etc.
Therefore, syphilitics are bound to be overrepresented, as a per- centage of the population, among hospital patients. In Table 2B, figures vary from a low 13 5 per cent to a high 50 per cent. The study of Snellwhich was done on patients over a period of 10 years, or that by Pfister may be closer to reality: The second subgroup includes all the studies that took a particular group of io6 Christian Henriot Table 2. Case studies Korns These people, on whom blood tests in Neiba Prostitute performed, were supposedly healthy persons domestic servants, blood donors, soldiers.
In this case too, results are strongly biased. These people were mostly urban residents or had regular contacts with city life, even if they came from the countryside. We can also assume that domestic servants and blood donors belonged to the lower strata of society. They lived alone—bachelors and married men alike—and patronized lower-class prostitutes; furthermore, they VD and Prostitution in China did not possess the resources to get adequate medical treatment when sick. As to soldiers, even if the author indicates that the soldiers he tested had been admitted to the hospital because of the wounds received in battles and not for physical disorders which could have been caused by VDthey in Neiba Prostitute hardly be considered a representative group of in Neiba Prostitute whole population.
The figures vary from 11 per cent domestic servants to more than 20 per cent blood donors, soldiersa result that was similar to that of the first subgroup. The fragility of all the studies presented in Table 2 should not invalidate them as measures of the prevalence of syphilis in China. An accurate estimate will in Neiba Prostitute never be possible. At most, we can suggest a fair assessment of the problem. If general hospital data tend to underestimate in Neiba Prostitute number of syphilitics among their patients, the surveys based on routine blood tests have the opposite effect. The truth must be in-between. Given the relative coherence within each group of studies, an educated guess would put the right figure between ten per cent and fifteen per cent of the urban population.
For both men and women, their physical consequences were not as dramatic or painful; for women, it could even in Neiba Prostitute unnoticed. Furthermore, there was no such efficient treatment for gonorrhea or soft chancre as for syphilis. In short, the persons infected with such diseases did not feel the same urge as syphilitics to go to a hospital or a dispensary in order to receive medical treatment. This statistical weakness, however, tends to obscure the more prevalent nature of gonorrhea and other venereal diseases in China.
It is also one of the main findings of Gear's compilation of hospital statistics from all over China. The average number of syphilitics among hospital patients is about the same. It should be noted that China's ethnic minorities had very high rates of infection. On China's minorities, see G. Horn, Away With All Pests: